Warning: this website discloses medical evidence proving that British surgeons, working within the NHS, conducted a covert experimental neurosurgical operation on the brain of a five-year-old child, illicitly and without medical justification, at the North Staffordshire Infirmary in 1967. These extraordinary and shocking revelations will challenge your faith in ethical medicine..

Special Operations in Medical Research: in Brief

The Vile, Unspeakable Crimes of British Science and Medicine.

For the past 50 years the British National Health Service and the British Government have concealed an appalling secret. I am at the centre of the issue, as a 'research subject', of a bizarre medical research program, of a specialised, secretive, and entirely unprecedented nature. These remarks relate to the event of an illicit and covert neurosurgical operation I underwent a week before my sixth birthday, without my knowledge or consent, on the pretext of a routine tonsillectomy procedure.

There is now irrefutable medical evidence (in the form of two brain MRI scans) confirming that the principle purpose of this operation, conducted by surgeons at the North Staffordshire Infirmary (now the University Hospital of North Staffordshire) in 1967, was not simply the removal of my tonsils, but, in fact, the creation of an opportunity to surgically implant a series of surreptitious technical devices in my neck area – devices which include, as recently revealed in the second MRI scan, a small rigid box-like structure (or structures), clearly of non-biological origin, approximately 1cm square, and situated behind the back of my throat, close to the brain-stem:

MRI Head sagittal section (detail)

MRI Head sagittal section (detail)

View 4-image detail sequence from the 2nd MRI scan – Slideshow
View 3-image (+3 details) sequence from the 1st MRI scan – Slideshow

The suggestion implicit from the evidence above is therefore of a level of organised, covert activity, aimed at a piece of highly specialised neurological research, and implicating offices of the Department of Health and ultimately the UK Government. For reasons of the highly sensitive nature of this evidence, and its implications for national security, public disclosure of the evidence has been effectively suppressed across all UK institutions since I first acquired possession of a copy of the first MRI scan in December 2010; meaning that no doctor has been prepared to openly acknowledge the evidence. Hence, for primarily political reasons I have been unable to receive health assessment and care which fully ackowledges the truth of my medical condition since 2010, particularly with respect to problems emerging in 2015 in the region of my thoracic spine (see: 2015 Spinal MRI Scans).

Further evidence and analysis in support of these statements, and my personal report of my medical and family case-history spanning the years 1967 to the present, is presented in the Report section. This includes some theoretical exploration of the likely technological imperatives which I understand must have informed this research program, although it has to be said that, at this point in time, the bulk of the evidence relating to the precise utility of the research remains undisclosed and unavailable to me personally. Nevertheless, the manifestation of such a covert research program, as a technological imperative, in spite of its highly unethical nature, has to be understood on the basis that it promised access to knowledge of human neurological processes essential to the advancement of certain technological fields (in particular, that of Artificial Intelligence), but which, in 1967, was unobtainable by any other possible (i.e., ethical) means (for further elaboration see the page: Technological Imperatives).

The original MRI Findings report of the first MRI scan from St. Thomas' Hospital Radiology Dept. (October 2008) made no reference to the anomaly revealed in images 7.13-7.15 from the scan, concluding with the words: "No significant intracranial abnormality identified". This resulted in my submitting a complaint to Guy's & St. Thomas' (GSTT) Complaints Dept., in March 2013, over the apparent attempts to cover-up this evidence by both St. Thomas' Radiology Dept., and subsequently also the Neurology Dept. at Guy's Hospital (see: Complaint to GSTT for a detailed account of the progress of this complaint).

The same tendency towards reticence and denial affected the process of the reporting on the second MRI scan from The National Hospital for Neurology & Neurosurgery (NHNN – a part of UCLH NHS Trust), in March 2013. Again the reports were that the scan was basically "normal", with no reference to the self-evident anomaly revealed in the 4-image scan sequence presented above. This resulted in a further complaint, made to UCLH NHS Trust in November 2013, over the apparent cover-up of evidence within NHNN (see: 2nd MRI Head Scan for an account of the progress of this complaint).

Neither of these complaints had been satisfactorily resolved through the complaints processes internal to the two NHS Trusts, and each complaint was subsequently referred to the Parliamentary & Health Service Ombudsman (PHSO). The PHSO declined to conduct an investigation of my complaint against GSTT, on the basis that the complaint was 'out of time' (there was a gap of 27 months between my obtaining a copy of the MRI scan and making the complaint to GSTT), in spite of there being extenuating circumstances which inhibited my ability to make a substantial complaint before March 2013, and in spite of the fact also that there were clear overriding reasons in the public interest for the PHSO to waive its standard 12-month time-limit on the acceptance of a complaint (see my analysis of the PHSO's decision).

The PHSO did agree to conduct an investigation into my complaint against UCLH NHS Trust. Following my receipt of the PHSO's final investigation report on 4 April 2014, it transpires however that the PHSO was determined to conduct a deliberately crude and blinkered investigation into that complaint, relying upon the informal advice of one of its contracted medical advisors (not himself a specialist in neuroradiology, and an employee of the NHS, hence with questionable independence), given merely by word of mouth, and quoted only indirectly in the investigation report, and whom it appears had concurred with the opinions of the specialists at NHNN. From the conduct of its investigation, and its refusal to provide any challengeable verbatim statement of the medical advisor's findings, together with the fact that the PHSO had declined to conduct a formal evaluation of the original MRI scan material, it is clear however that the PHSO's intention all along was that of peremptorily dismissing the complaint, so that effectively it appears to have been complicit in the hospital's original cover-up (see my analysis of the PHSO's investigation).

In the face of this widespread and systemic refusal to countenance the evidence confirming my allegations over events in 1967, affecting not only the responses from specialist departments at several major hospitals, but also that of the chief health service regulator in the UK, one can only estimate that, in the face of so deeply serious an historical allegation against the NHS and against certain offices of the UK Government, there would inevitably be an extraordinary degree of institutional pressure operating against the disclosure of the evidence. The seriousness of the historical allegation over events in 1967, and which goes some way to explain the urgency behind recent attempts to cover-up the evidence, is that the event of my 'tonsillectomy' cannot be conceived as the responsibility of any single corrupt individual, but must be understood rather as an organised, collegial, and interdisciplinary enterprise, implicating the activities of various offices of State, scientific, health, and educational institutions, and backed by corporate investment.

In this context therefore, it is perhaps understandable that any individual medical expert, whether employed within the NHS or otherwise, would not dare to take on the initial responsibility for unilaterally disclosing the evidence, as to do so would be to invoke issues having a bearing upon national security, and would inevitably place that individual in a position of extreme personal vulnerability. This is in spite of the fact that the visual evidence is clear and distinct, even to an untrained eye.

My report points to the conclusion that this fraudulent experimental operation was sanctioned with my mother's knowledge and consent, in exchange for the payment to her of significant financial remuneration. My father, however, was not party to this arrangement, and was kept in ignorance over the true nature of the operation, until his suspicions were aroused in response to anomalies in my appearance and in my behaviour, during the months following the operation. There is considerable evidence to indicate that the untimely death of my father during surgery in May 1968, at the age of 41, was a consequence of him openly voicing his suspicions over the propriety of my tonsillectomy, at times aggressively to my mother, and subsequently his being expediently silenced through the combined actions of the family doctor, and surgeons at the North Staffordshire Infirmary (for further elaboration, see the Evidence section of my report, pp.7-10).

In spite of the fact that since 1967 I have experienced chronic physical and mental ill-effects, as a direct consequence of these events, there was however no clear reason for me to suspect that something quite so extraordinary as this had taken place, all those years ago, until the year 2001, when certain aspects of evidence first came to my attention.

In the intervening sixteen years since this realisation, I have been engaged in the difficult process of collecting further evidence in support of these suspicions, though it has to be said that this has been an entirely self-directed and single-handed process, carried out against the persistent efforts by both the police and the medical profession to suppress and deny this evidence. Both the Metropolitan and Staffordshire Police forces have been in possession of partial evidence since 2003, and of conclusive evidence since January 2012, but have so far failed to make an appropriate response to it. This, in combination with the ongoing cover-ups by GSTT and UCLH NHS Trusts, suggests that both police forces, as well as diverse organisations within the NHS, have been complicit in the suppression of the evidence, in accordance with the dictates of a sophisticated regime of secrecy, operating from within the highest levels of State.

I first came into possession of a copy of the initial Brain MRI scan in December 2010, following a subject access request under the Data Protection Act to the Information Governance Dept. of St. Thomas’ Hospital, in whose Radiology Dept. the scan had been conducted two years previously. My access to this material therefore presented the first serious risk of a public disclosure of this crucial prima facie evidence. At the same time I renewed my earlier allegations against certain members of my family who had benefitted financially from my mother's original consent to the fraudulent 'tonsillectomy'. Subsequently, there began a series of attempts on my life, both direct and indirect, and frequently involving attempts at poisoning (these issues are treated in greater depth in Part 2 of my report, pp.74-86). These attempts, from a variety of sources, were for the most part highly organised and sophisticated, and persisted initially from December 2010 through until the autumn of 2012, meaning that throughout that period I was forced to remain in hiding. Following a period of respite in attempts on my life lasting about a year, towards the end of 2013 and until I was forced to depart the UK in February 2014 there was a resurgence of these threats, meaning that I was again unable to reside in my flat, and once more had to maintain constant mobility and secrecy over my whereabouts. After returning to the UK in March 2015, there was a further period of respite from attempts to assassinate me, until January 2016 that is, when they began again, this time with a renewed urgency and intensity, forcing me to leave the UK once more, in February 2016.

I had previously alerted the police several times during 2011 (and periodically since that time) to material evidence of poisoning. However, they have steadfastly ignored my reports and refused to accept or acknowledge the evidence. In fact both the police and the medical profession have relied upon the casual assumption that my claims were 'delusional' in nature, in order to distance themselves from any factual consideration of the evidence (e.g., by doctors at St. Thomas' Hospital A&E Dept. refusing to take samples of my body fluids to ascertain evidence of poisoning), meaning that now for a period of more than six years I have had no recourse to the law, or to health services, against a clearly evident series of attempts on my life. I am therefore effectively denied the rights to protection under the law, and to appropriate healthcare, which are those rights enjoyed by any other British citizen regardless of circumstances; and so I have been forced to reside as a de facto refugee from the UK for the greater part of the period December 2010 to the present.

This persistent refusal across public services to respond appropriately to my allegations is not helped by the fact that any attempt at an initial succinct communication of the content of these claims sounds bizarre and improbable, and resembles the caricature of a classical delusional syndrome. The first response to my reports is therefore invariably one of massive incredulity, and a tendency to 'switch-off' attention to subsequent assertions of the evidence which actually proves the allegations.

This initial scepticism affected the police' response to the evidence I presented to them (excluding the MRI evidence) fourteen years ago, in 2003. In subsequent anticipation of this inevitable scepticism, and because these concerns have preoccupied my attention throughout the intervening period, I have had to maintain myself in social and familial isolation, for it has not been possible to discuss these issues with anyone other than prospective figures of authority, or members of the medical or legal professions, upon whom I depended for acknowledgement of the evidence. However, even in spite of the existence of conclusive MRI evidence, none of those professionals has had the courage, or the independence, to openly discuss an issue of such extraordinary sensitivity (and horror), and therefore no one dares (in fear for their own personal security) to offer explicit corroboration of the evidence, settling instead for the prophylactic response that my claims must be 'delusional'. For this reason only, the evidence remains undisclosed (or rather, in view of its publication here, uncorroborated). This has meant that it has been impossible to initiate any process of civil or criminal litigation in the UK as such a process would depend upon the engagement of lawyers, and the enlisting of expert opinion. In particular, the General medical Council of the UK has dismissed the grounds for a complaint on the basis of the MRI evidence presented to it (in the absence of additional expert corroboration) for the reason that, as stated by the GMC in their final response to my complaint: "[W]e are not able to medically evaluate your scans" (see: Complaint to the GMC).

From the progress of my various complaints to the GMC, to the Police & the IPCC, to GSTT NHS Trust (and to UCLH NHS Trust over its more recent failure to disclose anomalies in the 2nd MRI scan), as well as each of my complaints to the Health Service Ombudsman (in relation to GSTT NHS Trust and to UCLH NHS Trust) detailed on these pages, it is apparent that all of those public bodies duty-bound to address my complaints are locked into a kind of systemic denial, the explanation for which is that the evidence disclosed to them reveals activities and undertakings within some of our most respected institutions, which are not explicable simply in terms of an isolated instance of individual corruption or malfeasance, or otherwise in terms of bureaucratic mismanagement, but which must rather be understood as an organised and interdisciplinary enterprise, executed among offices of State and diverse public institutions, with a calculated contempt for all ethical and humanitarian principles; and which are parallel, in microcosm, to some of the atrocious medical experiments committed under the Nazi regime. Such a disclosure therefore traduces some of the fundamental moral and ethical principles which we rely on institutions bearing a duty of care to maintain, particularly with respect to the treatment of vulnerable individuals (in this case a five-year-old child), and relativises the State's commitment to humanitarian principles, when those principles are so easily circumvented by the State acting covertly.

In particular, the case is instructive for what it reveals about the status of children's rights in an advanced democratic society such as the UK. For instance, it reveals how the category of legal disenfranchisement applied to children may be exploited to facilitate (in this particular case) the surgical 'brain-rape' of a child for instrumental purposes, in the absence of the child's knowledge or consent (but by soliciting the consent of one of its parents), while it is practically inconceivable that the same form of abuse could be successfully enacted against an adult (for further discussion on this point, see the subsection Consent on pp.37-41 of my report).

In addition to that, it follows from the analyses in Part 1 of my report (pp.26-32 & 41-6) that such an unprecedented and technically sophisticated program of experimental research would undoubtedly necessitate a massive financial investment. It is inconceivable in economic terms that such an investment might have been risked upon the fate of a single research subject. That is to say, there must have been other victims of the same form of experimental surgery in addition to myself – probably a select few – as a means of balancing the risk, but also as a means of ensuring a minimal degree of quantitative sampling in the research data. I have no idea of the identities or the fates of these other research subjects; however, it is clear that my own case is inextricably bound-up with a series of currently unreported cases. The disclosure of my own case would therefore act as a precursor for the subsequent exposition of all other cases – a circumstance which reinforces the institutional pressure working against public disclosure of my own 'individual' case, and which suggests the need for all related cases to be treated collectively, as a 'class'.

Britain was at the time of these crimes against humanity a key signatory to such international protocols as The European Convention on Human Rights1, and the World Medical Association Declaration of Helsinki2. How is it then that the cynical contempt for these conventions evident in this particular abuse of the rights of a select group of children manages to remain perennially unnoticed, sequestered from the public conscience in a manner comparable to that of the interminable, Establishment-driven suppression of cases of historical sexual abuse of children, by members of the political-elite no less?

My own case does not fit the paradigm of that of a 'conventional' case of sexual abuse (which ultimately may always be blamed on the personal moral aberrations of individuals), but rather exposes something altogether more sinister, cold, calculated, and organised. It crucially reveals something deeply troubling about the ability of adults, both individually and collectively, and under the pressure of a certain kind of instrumental authority, to suspend all considerations of the rights pertaining to children, as if those rights were merely ornamental and non-obligatory.

It is certainly true that 'children's rights', so conceived, are categorically different from the human rights which are supposed to accrue universally to adults. The rights of children are habitually conceived in passive-only terms, as limitations on the behaviour and actions of adults towards children. That is to say, we fail to consider the rights of children as it were 'in their own inalienable right', independently of that censoriousness towards the risk potential in our own behaviour as adults. Moreover, if a child cannot actively procreate, for instance, then she may not accede to the Right to Family Life, as enshrined under Article 8 of the Declaration of Human Rights, in the same active way that an adult can. Sadly, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not 'universal' enough to apply to children.

Human rights, therefore, do not accrue in any absolute or unqualified way to children who, after all, are deemed not to possess a competent human volition. In the absence of a competent volition, a child does not quite come to possess the attribute of 'humanity' in the fullest sense of the word. Human rights will only effectively accrue to those who may will to protect them. And clearly, we cannot trust adults with the protection of the rights of children. We cannot even trust a team of suitably qualified adults with the task of a sincere and sustained inquiry into the conduct of adults-with-power alleged to have historically abused children, without the integrity of that team being sabotaged from on-high by malicious rumour-mongering operating in the service of the accused.

We ought then to take a less reactionary position on the issue of the rights of children – that is, one which derives less out of the twin impulses of vanity and shame. There would then be less of an insurmountable barrier to the open public acknowledgement and discussion of the undeniable evidence confirming the UK Government's culpability in a series of historical medical atrocities, involving the surgical 'brain-rape' of a select group of children, with a view to their lasting biological enslavement, for instrumental and technological ends, and within institutions providing State healthcare. Because essentially, without that discussion, no public body in the UK can claim with sincerity to have an interest in safeguarding the rights of children and in their actual protection from abuse by those individuals or institutions that maintain power over them.

With this in mind I sent copies of the two MRI scans, plus my report and the covering letter linked below (similar to the contents of an earlier edition of this page), to the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights on 04/11/2013. Corresponding submissions were also copied to each of: the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR); the Council for International Organisations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS)3; and the World Medical Association, during October and November 2013. Similar correspondence was also sent to the office of UNICEF in the UK.

Letter to the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights – 04/11/2013 [pdf – 190KB]

After one week the World Medical Association returned the CD copies to me with a note to say that their organisation (which authored the 1964 Helsinki Declaration: Ethical Principles for Medical Research Involving Human Subjects) did not have the capacity (nor the motivation, it seems) to conduct any inquiry into the evidence supporting my allegations.

From February 2014, faced with a renewed resurgence of attempts on my life in the UK (see pp.80-1 of my report for more detail), and the inaction from the police in response to my reports to them, I was forced to urgently depart the UK once more; hence I became unable to access mail sent to my home address. The Director of the Office of the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights responded to my November letter in May 2014 (letter dated 24/04/2014). However, I did not actually receive this letter until April 2015, following my next return to the UK. The response from the Director Isil Gachet was perfunctory, and served merely to excuse the Commissioner from any interest or action in response to my November 2013 letter, by invoking the Commissioner's mandate, which excludes the Commissioner from acting on behalf of individual complainants. The Director referred me instead to the services of the UK Parliamentary & Health Service Ombudsman:

Response from the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights – 24/04/2014 [pdf – 94KB]

I replied to the Director's letter with the following on 25/04/2015, to which I am still awaiting a response:

2nd Letter to the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights – 25/04/2015 [pdf – 169KB]

It seems that the Commissioner's Office had paid scant attention to the details of my original letter from November 2013, and had underestimated the scale and seriousness of the allegations made in it. In referring me to the PHSO, it failed to appreciate the points made clear in my November 2013 letter, that all attempts at procuring expert corroboration of the evidence had failed, and that the prospects for resolution by regulatory process at the national level were therefore slim. My second letter had the advantage however of describing the progress of both of my complaints to the PHSO, and of the poor judgement and apparent complicity of that organisation in declining to investigate the first complaint, and refusing to uphold the second (and that without even conducting an independent formal evaluation of the original MRI scan evidence). My letter also stresses the point that, as I cannot realistically be considered an isolated victim in this affair, and as the public disclosure of my own case would appear as a necessary precursor to the subsequent exposition of all other currently unreported cases, then it is unreasonable for the Commissioner to refuse to act on the ground that he is not mandated to respond to individual cases.

By April 2016, having received no further response from the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, and having received no response whatsoever to my corresponding submission to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, I assembled the combined complaint correspondence between myself and the two Trusts, and between myself and the PHSO, and submitted the complete correspondence afresh, together with annotated lists of the documents, to both the Commissioner's office and the office of the OHCHR, during April 2016.

There were, by this time, two further complaints, one submitted to each of the same NHS Trusts (GSTT and UCLH), with regard to communications sent by doctors working within the two Trusts in response to each of my earlier complaints. My complaints over the two cover-ups of evidence had resulted in each case in letters being sent from both Trusts to the Community Mental Health Team (CMHT). Each had deliberately misrepresented the substance of my respective complaints to suggest that I was suffering from a delusional mental illness, in order to invoke a psychiatric response from the CMHT as part of a strategy of defence, shared between each of the two Trusts, against the serious allegations I had made against them.4

Each of the rwo further complaints had in turn been subsequently referred to the PHSO, and my submissions to the Commissioner's office and to the OHCHR in April 2016 took the form of formal complaints over the regulatory conduct of the PHSO, in view of its series of clearly fallible decisions, now aggravated following its completed investigation in that same month of my second complaint against GSTT, and its decision also not to uphold that complaint. The PHSO had only managed to arrive at this decision by blatantly disregarding key items of evidence presented to it, in a process seemingly driven by the implicit imperative to avert at all costs the PHSO's natural obligation of arriving at a finding against the Trust.

It ought to be apparent, from a full appraisal of the evidence submitted either to the Commissioner or to the OHCHR, that I am unable to pursue any litigatory action within the UK in respect of my medical claims against several major hospitals, due to a systemic and State-wide policy of non-disclosure, affecting not only the actions of the hospitals themselves, but also those of the principle regulatory bodies tasked to oversee the actions of the National Health Service (the GMC and the PHSO); and extending also to the actions of the police in response to criminal allegations made to them. Not only that, but I do not have the option either of seeking Judicial Reviews within the British Courts against the decisions of any of these organisations, because experience has shown that no legal advisor is prepared to engage, in an open and frank way, in a discussion of the details of the evidence when to publicly advance that evidence would lead inexorably to the invocation of issues of national security. As any process of litigation at the national level would depend upon some form of unilateral corroboration of the evidence, and as no individual medical or legal expert has the courage to take on that responsibility, there is a clear imperative for some form of multilateral response at the international level. Otherwise, there can be no satisfactory resolution in the public interest of what, on any open and frank view, can only be interpreted as the most serious, most protracted, organised humanitarian atrocity perpetrated within a country of the European Union since the end of the second world war.

Astonishingly enough, although it is now eleven months following the April 2016 submissions, and in spite of a number of supplementary submissions made since April with regard to the PHSO's still unresolved decision over my second complaint to UCLH, I have yet received no form of acknowledgement whatsoever from either the Council of Europe Commissioner’s office or the OHCHR (I had specifically requested that both offices respond to me only by email, since I now have no reliable or safe access to mail sent to my home address).

Both the Commissioner's office and the OHCHR are mandated to oversee and to investigate the actions of national regulatory bodies with respect to the exercise of humanitarian principles, and to receive formal complaints where there is evidence of persistent abrogation of those principles by national institutions. The concerted refusal, by each of these organisations, to respond to just such evidence with respect to a series of decisions made by the PHSO is quite disconcerting, as it suggests that the principle ethical and human rights regulatory bodies within the EU and the UN are united with those of the UK in their intent to maintain non-disclosure of the evidence of these exceptional and unprecedented crimes against humanity. In view of this, one cannot avoid the conclusion that, in real terms, the exercise of international law in respect of humanitarian principles appears as a political instrument, to be employed principally against nations and governments non-compliant to the collective will of elite Western democracies, as a form of moral and political subordination, while at the same time both the Council of Europe and the United Nations are disinterested and effectively impotent towards applying the same principles rigorously amongst their own key member-states.

  1. The European Convention on Human Rights, Council of Europe, Rome, 4 Nov. 1950, and its Five Protocols: http://www.hri.org/docs/ECHR50.html [back]
  2. World Medical Association, Ethical Principles for Medical Research Involving Human Subjects, adopted by the 18th WMA General Assembly Helsinki, Finland, June 1964 (amended by the 52nd WMA General Assembly, Edinburgh, October 2000): http://www.wma.net/en/30publications/10policies/b3/index.html [back]
  3. The Council for International Organisations of Medical Sciences is the author of the document International Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects, CIOMS, Geneva, 2002: http://www.cioms.ch/publications/layout_guide2002.pdf [back]
  4. I have chosen not to publish online the correspondence relating to these two additional complaints, as the material is openly defamatory and injurious to my character. [back]

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